Intonational units possess both phonetic and semantic properties. In bidialectal speakers, language use and socio-contextual cues have been shown to influence the mapping between intonational forms and meaning. Additionally, code-mixing frequency in daily life can alter the cognitive costs of language inhibition and selection. However, existing models of Intonational Phonology fail to account for these effects in bilingual intonation. Addressing this gap, the present work tested a hybrid exemplar model of intonational representation. German–Italian bilinguals living in South Tyrol (ST) were taken as a case study due to their considerable variability along various sociolinguistic dimensions, among which are language dominance and code-mixing frequency. Previous studies have identified a rising L+H* pitch accent in both ST Italian and German, though this pitch accent is associated with Narrow Focus (NF) statements exclusively in ST German. In contrast, ST Italian displays a preference for a falling H+L* in the same pragmatic context. Thirty-six and forty-seven ST speakers took part, respectively, in a production and in a perception experiment on ST Italian intonation. The two experiments were conceived as a single experimental cycle and tested the influence of language dominance, code-mixing frequency, and socio-contextual cues on the association between L+H* and three information structures, including the aforementioned NF. Through an interactive video game, a semi-read speech was elicited in a laboratory setting. This speech included Italian statements produced in three conversational contexts. The contexts, in turn, elicited the information structures under investigation. Stimuli had identical structures in the two experiments, i.e., Ha messo il NP1 sul NP2 (“pro3SG put the NP1 on the NP2”). The two NPs consisted of single-word denominations of objects in the video game and could alternatively bear the nuclear pitch accent in the production experiment. In the perception experiment, the goodness-of-fit of auditory stimuli in the three conversational contexts had to be rated. Stimuli featured either L+H* or H+L* in sentence-final position (NP2). The experiment was completely web-based, and all written elements of the experimental setting were manipulated between participants. These elements were presented either in Italian or in German, serving as socio-contextual primes for the respective language systems (Social Prime). Conversational contexts and stimuli, in contrast, were always presented in Italian. Language dominance and code-mixing frequency of our participants were assessed through an expanded version of the Bilingual Language Profile – a standardized sociolinguistic questionnaire used in bilingual research – and then discretized for our purposes. We expected that German dominance, high code-mixing frequency, and the German Social Prime would favor stronger cross-linguistic influence from German and determine a higher likelihood of L+H* in the NF context, compared to Italian dominance, low code-mixing frequency, and the Italian Social Prime. The results show that language dominance has the predicted impact on intonational patterns, pointing to cross-linguistic interference regardless of socio-contextual cues. Whereas the role of code-mixing frequency is less clear, the German Prime also favors the association between L+H* and NF, indicating that the influence of socio-contextual cues is partly independent of the target language. Crucially, the effect of Social Prime is modulated by the two usage-related variables, and production and perception data closely mirror each other. Hence, these findings lend support to hybrid exemplar models and contribute to a deeper understanding of Intonational Phonology in bilingual speakers.
Le unità intonative possiedono sia proprietà fonetiche che semantiche. Nei parlanti bidialettali, l’uso linguistico e il contesto extra-linguistico possono influenzare la relazione tra unità intonative e significato pragmatico. Inoltre, la frequenza di code-mixing nella vita quotidiana può modificare i costi cognitivi associati alla selezione di una singola lingua. Tuttavia, i modelli esistenti di fonologia intonativa non riescono a spiegare questi dati, in particolare se si considera l’intonazione di popolazioni bilingui. Per colmare questa lacuna, si è deciso di testare un modello ibrido-esemplare di fonologia intonativa. I bilingui italo-tedeschi residenti in Alto Adige sono stati scelti come caso di studio per la loro notevole variabilità lungo diverse dimensioni sociolinguistiche, tra cui la dominanza linguistica e la frequenza di code-mixing. Studi precedenti hanno identificato un accento ascendente L+H* sia nell’italiano che nel tedesco sudtirolesi, sebbene solo in tedesco tale accento sia utilizzato in affermazioni a focus ristretto (NF, Narrow Focus). Al contrario, l’italiano sudtirolese mostra una preferenza per un accento discendente H+L* nello stesso contesto pragmatico. Trentasei e quarantasette sudtirolesi hanno partecipato rispettivamente a un esperimento di produzione e a uno di percezione. I due esperimenti hanno testato l’influenza della dominanza linguistica, della frequenza di code-mixing e degli indici socio-contestuali sull’associazione tra L+H* e tre strutture informative, tra cui il già menzionato NF. Attraverso un videogioco interattivo sono stati elicitati degli enunciati italiani in diversi contesti conversazionali. I contesti evocavano, a loro volta, le tre strutture informative indagate. Nei due esperimenti gli stimoli avevano la struttura: Ha messo il SN1 sul SN2. I due SN si riferivano a oggetti presenti nel videogioco e, nell’esperimento di produzione, potevano alternativamente portare l’accento nucleare. Nell’esperimento di percezione, invece, i partecipanti dovevano valutare la goodness-of-fit di stimoli uditivi nei tre contesti conversazionali. Gli stimoli presentavano L+H* o H+L* su SN2 e l’esperimento è stato condotto interamente online. Tutti gli elementi scritti presenti nel contesto sperimentale (ad es. le istruzioni) sono stati manipolati tra i partecipanti. Questi elementi potevano essere presentati in italiano o in tedesco, fungendo da prime socio-contestuali dei rispettivi sistemi linguistici (prime sociale). I contesti conversazionali e gli stimoli, tuttavia, venivano sempre presentati in italiano. Le informazioni relative alla dominanza linguistica e alla frequenza di code-mixing dei nostri partecipanti sono state acquisite mediante una versione ampliata del Bilingual Language Profile, un questionario sociolinguistico standardizzato utilizzato nella ricerca sul bilinguismo. Si prevedeva che la dominanza tedesca, un’elevata frequenza di code-mixing e la versione tedesca del prime sociale favorissero una maggiore influenza interlinguistica dal tedesco, determinando una probabilità più alta di L+H* nel contesto NF rispetto alla dominanza italiana, a una bassa frequenza di code-mixing e alla versione italiana del prime. I risultati mostrano che la dominanza linguistica incide come previsto sui pattern intonativi e può associarsi a interferenze interlinguistiche indipendenti dagli indizi socio-contestuali. Sebbene il ruolo della frequenza di code-mixing risulti meno chiaro, il prime tedesco favorisce anch’esso l’associazione tra L+H* e NF, suggerendo che l’influenza degli indici socio-contestuali sia in parte indipendente dalla lingua del compito linguistico. In modo significativo, l’effetto del prime sociale è modulato dalle due variabili d’uso linguistico, e i dati di produzione e percezione mostrano tendenze parallele. Pertanto, questi risultati supportano i modelli esemplari ibridi e contribuiscono a una comprensione più approfondita della fonologia intonativa nei parlanti bilingui.
Italian intonation in bilingual speakers: language dominance, code-mixing and social adaptation
Gianninò, Salvatore
2025
Abstract
Intonational units possess both phonetic and semantic properties. In bidialectal speakers, language use and socio-contextual cues have been shown to influence the mapping between intonational forms and meaning. Additionally, code-mixing frequency in daily life can alter the cognitive costs of language inhibition and selection. However, existing models of Intonational Phonology fail to account for these effects in bilingual intonation. Addressing this gap, the present work tested a hybrid exemplar model of intonational representation. German–Italian bilinguals living in South Tyrol (ST) were taken as a case study due to their considerable variability along various sociolinguistic dimensions, among which are language dominance and code-mixing frequency. Previous studies have identified a rising L+H* pitch accent in both ST Italian and German, though this pitch accent is associated with Narrow Focus (NF) statements exclusively in ST German. In contrast, ST Italian displays a preference for a falling H+L* in the same pragmatic context. Thirty-six and forty-seven ST speakers took part, respectively, in a production and in a perception experiment on ST Italian intonation. The two experiments were conceived as a single experimental cycle and tested the influence of language dominance, code-mixing frequency, and socio-contextual cues on the association between L+H* and three information structures, including the aforementioned NF. Through an interactive video game, a semi-read speech was elicited in a laboratory setting. This speech included Italian statements produced in three conversational contexts. The contexts, in turn, elicited the information structures under investigation. Stimuli had identical structures in the two experiments, i.e., Ha messo il NP1 sul NP2 (“pro3SG put the NP1 on the NP2”). The two NPs consisted of single-word denominations of objects in the video game and could alternatively bear the nuclear pitch accent in the production experiment. In the perception experiment, the goodness-of-fit of auditory stimuli in the three conversational contexts had to be rated. Stimuli featured either L+H* or H+L* in sentence-final position (NP2). The experiment was completely web-based, and all written elements of the experimental setting were manipulated between participants. These elements were presented either in Italian or in German, serving as socio-contextual primes for the respective language systems (Social Prime). Conversational contexts and stimuli, in contrast, were always presented in Italian. Language dominance and code-mixing frequency of our participants were assessed through an expanded version of the Bilingual Language Profile – a standardized sociolinguistic questionnaire used in bilingual research – and then discretized for our purposes. We expected that German dominance, high code-mixing frequency, and the German Social Prime would favor stronger cross-linguistic influence from German and determine a higher likelihood of L+H* in the NF context, compared to Italian dominance, low code-mixing frequency, and the Italian Social Prime. The results show that language dominance has the predicted impact on intonational patterns, pointing to cross-linguistic interference regardless of socio-contextual cues. Whereas the role of code-mixing frequency is less clear, the German Prime also favors the association between L+H* and NF, indicating that the influence of socio-contextual cues is partly independent of the target language. Crucially, the effect of Social Prime is modulated by the two usage-related variables, and production and perception data closely mirror each other. Hence, these findings lend support to hybrid exemplar models and contribute to a deeper understanding of Intonational Phonology in bilingual speakers.| File | Dimensione | Formato | |
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https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14242/306809
URN:NBN:IT:UNIVR-306809