MODERN AND INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE OF CLIMATE CHANGE AND GLACIER MARRIAGE IN GILGIT-BALTISTAN, PAKISTAN.

This thesis investigates how local communities in Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan, interpret and respond to environmental crises, drawing on their unique indigenous knowledge systems. The region is highly dependent on glacier melt; therefore, it is the main source of water for both drinking and irrigation purposes. The altered precipitation patterns and climate hazards such as glacial lake outburst floods, flash floods, and extreme weather events have intensified water scarcity and disrupted livelihoods. Local communities understand these shifts through spiritual, ecological, and cultural lenses. For them, climate change is not just a physical phenomenon but a sign of the disturbance of harmony between human and non-human beings. Therefore, mountains, glaciers, rivers, and winds are regarded as living entities whose behaviour depends on human actions. Various indigenous communities inhabit this region, and indigeneity is intertwined in legal obscurity, postcolonial marginalization, and competing narratives of belonging. Indigeneity is contested, and a multi-layered identity is connected to clan histories, ancestral lineage, spiritual relationships with the land, and historical resistance to external forces. It is expressed through ritual performances and other everyday actions that help assert autonomy and a sense of belonging in the face of political marginalization. Indigenous knowledge comprises two primary forms: shamanic and ecological. Shamanic knowledge is performed by spiritual agents such as bitan/dayal, daśhman, khalifa, and akhón, which includes trance, rituals, and prophecies. Using this form of knowledge, climate change is interpreted as a result of spiritual disruption, disrespect of spirits, and failure to observe taboos and rituals. Ecological knowledge is developed by farmers, pastoralists, herders, and shepherds who interpret weather patterns, manage resources, and practice agriculture. In these two systems of knowledge, human and non-human actors become part of a network that influences climate adaptation strategy. Both shamanic and ecological practices are facing challenges due to Islamic orthodoxy, modernization, and political structures. This study employs qualitative ethnographic methods. To achieve the research objectives, the sample was selected through a combination of purposive and snowball sampling. Various methods, tools, and techniques were employed, including in-depth interviews, participant observation, and semi-structured questionnaires. The data was collected from Hunza, Nagar, Gilgit, Danyor, Yasin, Skardu, Kharmang, Ghanche, and Shigar. With the help of four key informants from Chalth, Karimabad, Skardu, and Kharmang, 34 in-depth interviews were conducted with shamans, tribal leaders, and other supernatural mediators. 21 interviews were conducted with farmers, herders, pastoralists, shepherds, glacier growers, and climate experts from government and non-governmental organizations. Additionally, six focus group discussions were conducted in Aliabad, Gulmit, Nagar Khas, Skardu, and Gilgit city. Finding highlights that traditional weather forecasting, which utilizes birds' behaviours, wind patterns, and sun movement, has become unreliable due to unpredictable weather patterns. This has increased the vulnerability of farmers’ and pastoralists' livelihoods. Climate shifts have led to declines in crop yields, an increase in pest infestations, livestock diseases, droughts, and rising living costs. Increasing climate hazards, such as glacial lake outbursts, have damaged i infrastructure, leading to poverty, migration, and forcing many to abandon traditional agricultural practices and adopt tourism, mining, and other services. Local communities are responding to these changes by employing strategies that blend ecological, spiritual, and technical knowledge. The strategies include glacier marriage, avalanche harvesting, and ice stupas or towers. All these adaptation strategies are designed to store water during the winter season for use in the spring. The local farmers also employ strategies such as adjusting planting seasons, introducing new varieties of seeds, and utilizing night irrigation to conserve water. Although women manage most agricultural activities, their roles are often excluded from discussions at making tables. The revival of the indigenous techniques is the act of quiet defiance against political marginalization and state extractive policies. However, these traditional interventions are constantly exploited and appropriated by outsiders. The study findings suggest that the ecological practices in Gilgit-Baltistan are neither purely traditional nor entirely scientific. They are formed as a result of deep ecological interaction, political structures, and state negligence. The locals integrate multiple practices, belief systems, and strategies to address environmental crises and economic challenges. The study provides nuanced insights for planning and designing climate adaptation policies for high-mountain indigenous communities.